Between her pricey private tutors and SAT camp, Julie Yao knew that her education meant everything to her Chinese immigrant parents.

They believed that because she was Asian, colleges would judge her by higher standards.

来往于昂贵私人教师和SAT训练营之间的朱莉·姚(Julie Yao)清楚，自己的教育对她的中国移民父母来说意味着一切。

他们认为，因为她是亚裔，大学会以更高标准来评判她。

But Ms.

Yao, who was 14 when the family moved to the United States from Shenzhen, also came to appreciate the struggles of racial minorities in America through what she learned from textbooks and friends.

She saw firsthand how black and Latino classmates who didn’t have some of the educational and economic privileges she did were just as studious and successful.

但14岁就和家人一起从深圳搬来美国的姚，从课本和朋友身上已经学到了美国少数族裔的斗争。

她亲眼看见，那些教育和经济条件不及自己优越的黑人和拉丁裔同学，也可以一样勤奋和成功。

Ms.

Yao, now 21 and a junior at Barnard College, grew to support affirmative action.

Test scores, she believed, were not the only measure of academic potential.

现年21岁的姚是巴纳德学院(Barnard College)的大一新生，已经是平权行动的支持者。

她认为，考试成绩并非衡量学术潜能的唯一指标。

On the other hand,” Ms.

Yao said, I have all this information from Asian parents, the older generation, saying how it’s discriminating against Asian-American children.

”但是在另一方面，”朱莉·姚说，我的所有信息都来自我的亚裔父母，上一代人，他们说这是在区别对待亚裔美国小孩。

”Ms.

Yao’s internal conflict reflects a broader ambivalence among Asian-Americans over not just affirmative action, but also their place in the American racial order.

姚的内心挣扎反映了广泛层面上的亚裔美国人的矛盾心理，不只是对于平权行动，也对于他们在美国种族秩序中的地位。

A lawsuit that accuses Harvard of systematically discriminating against Asian-Americans in admissions, as well as a proposal to change the way New York City’s specialized high schools admit students, have brought new attention to fault lines in the racial politics both inside and outside the country’s diverse Asian communities.

就哈佛大学录取过程中对亚裔美国人的制度歧视发起的一项诉讼，以及一项改变纽约市特殊高中招生办法的提议，再一次把人们的注意力转移到了多元的美国亚裔群体内外的种族政治断层。

Asian-Americans have been among the most vocal and visible opponents of race-based affirmative action policies, creating a popular perception that they are at odds with black and Latino people, who remain underrepresented in many elite educational institutions.

But that framing obscures the reality of national surveys that show that most Asian-Americans favor affirmative action in education.

Many find solidarity with other minorities.

对于以种族为基础的平权运动政策，亚裔美国人一直是声音最高、最为显著的反对者，这让人们普遍认为，他们与许多精英院校内仍属弱势的黑人和拉丁族裔是存在不和的。

但这样的假象却遮蔽了全国性调查的事实——大部分亚裔美国人都支持教育平权运动。

许多人认为自己和其他少数族裔是一个共同体。

Still, the various generational, geographic and socioeconomic backgrounds of Asian-Americans have contributed to rifts in how they approach their most pressing issues.

然而，不同世代、地域和社会经济背景的亚裔美国人，在最为紧迫的问题上有着不同的看法，从而导致分裂。

Southeast Asian communities, for instance, have high rates of poverty and their interests often align with black and Latino communities on affirmative action and other social justice causes.

South Asians, who surveys show are often not perceived as Asian, are among the highest earners and educational achievers; they are also strong supporters of affirmative action.

They report experiencing more discrimination than other Asians in the United States.

例如，东南亚裔群体贫困率高，在平权行动以及其他社会正义问题上，他们的利益往往与黑人和拉丁裔群体一致。

而调查中显示往往不被视作亚洲人的南亚人口，则是有着最高收入和教育成就的群体之一，他们也是平权运动的坚定支持者。

他们反映，自己比美国其他亚裔人口受到了更多的歧视。

Meanwhile, some of the most fervent activism against affirmative action comes from a growing movement of recent first-generation Chinese immigrants, academics said.

They have found their political voice in the past few years in battles over education, the conviction of a Chinese-American police officer in a shooting in New York, and proposals by different states to compile demographic data on Asians by country of origin.

但与此同时，有学者称，反对平权运动最激烈的呼声，有一部分来自近年的第一代中国移民日渐兴起的运动。

在近几年围绕教育展开的争斗中，在纽约一名华裔美国警察因枪击被定罪的案件中，以及一些州根据原属国对亚裔人口数据进行分类整理的提议，让他们找到了自己的政治声音。

Much of their advocacy boils down to concerns that they face double standards in American life.

But some Asian-Americans worry that they might appear to be providing cover for causes that run counter to minority interests.

They find themselves trying to protect their own stakes but not at the expense of other groups’.

他们的大部分主张都可以归结为对美国生活中所面临的双重标准的担忧。

但有些亚裔美国人担心他们被人当成了幌子，用来掩盖那些与少数族裔利益背道而驰的运动。

他们发现自己需要在不牺牲其他群体的情况下，保住自己的利益。

We are slotted into this middle position that a lot of Asian-Americans sort of feel comfortable thinking that ‘I’ll be a colorblind person,’ which really means, ‘I’ll swear fealty to the white supremacy,’” said the author of the Ask a Korean!

” blog, who goes by the pen name T.

K.

Park.

我们正处于这样一种中间位置，那就是许多亚裔美国人似乎觉得‘我就当个色盲’没什么问题，这句话的真正意义是，‘我宣誓效忠白人至上主义’，”以T·K·朴(T.

K.

Park)为笔名的Ask a Korean!

”(去问韩国人!

)博主写道。

In New York, Mayor Bill de Blasio recently recommended changing the admissions criteria for the city’s most elite public schools, where Asian-Americans are vastly overrepresented and black and Latino students are underrepresented.

Currently, the only metric for admission is a test, but Mr.

de Blasio wants to allot seats to the top students from all of the city’s middle schools, which would most likely cut into the number of spots for Asian-Americans.

在纽约，市长白思豪(Bill de Blasio)最近提出了一项改变纽约最顶尖公立学校招生标准的建议。

在这些学校里，亚裔美国人过多，而黑人和拉丁裔学生不足。

目前，入学的唯一指标是一项考试，但白思豪希望将席位分配给全市所有中学的顶尖学生，这很可能会减少亚裔美国人的名额。

Mr.

Park said he found the plan discriminatory, but not because he thought there was animosity toward Asian-American students.

The problem, he said, was that it forced Asian-Americans to give up something instead of compelling high-performing schools that are predominantly white to integrate.

T·K·朴表示，他认为这一计划是具有歧视性的，但他并不认为这是因为对亚裔美国学生怀有敌意。

他说，问题在于这是在迫使亚裔美国人放弃一些东西，而不是去要求那些以白人为主的绩优学校去进行族裔融合。

The real conversation, I think, is why these exclusive prep schools are not under discussion,” Mr.

Park said.

No matter how you try to put it nicely, this is about white people having theirs, and telling Asians and African-Americans and Latinos to fight over the rest.

”我认为，真正的谈话在于为什么这些难进的预科学校不在讨论之中，”T·K·朴说。

不论你如何修饰你的表达，这都是白人的归白人的，然后告诉亚裔和非裔、拉丁裔去争抢剩下的东西。

”Black and Asian-American people have often been pitted against one another over the years, dating to the mid-20th century, when white people praised the work ethic and ability of Asian-Americans as a way to disparage the African-American struggle.

多年来，黑人和亚裔美国人经常被拿来对比，这可以追溯到20世纪中期，当时，白人称赞亚裔美国人的职业道德和能力，作为贬低非裔美国人斗争的一种方式。

Differences over the nature of the discrimination that each group faces remain something of a sore spot.

The fact that many of the Asian-American students at New York’s specialized high schools come from poor families has been one argument raised in opposition to race-conscious admission policies.

每个群体面临的歧视在本质上的不同始终是一个痛点。

纽约特殊高中的许多亚裔美国学生来自贫困家庭，这个事实是反对有种族意识的招生政策的一个依据。

But that ignores the fact that black people have and continue to be discriminated against in highly damaging ways, such as mass incarceration, police violence and segregation, said Claire Jean Kim, a professor of Asian-American studies at the University of California, Irvine.

但加州大学欧文分校(University of California, Irvine)的亚裔美国人研究教授克莱尔·简·金(Claire Jean Kim)表示，这忽略了一个事实，那就是，黑人遭到了——并且仍在遭到——极具破坏性的歧视，比如大规模监禁、警察暴力和种族隔离。

The question of how Asian-Americans are positioned relative to black people is a very serious and important question that Asian-Americans have not grappled with,” Professor Kim said.

Asians in general are getting certain types of advantages by not being black.

”亚裔美国人相对于黑人的地位是一个非常严肃和重要的问题，但亚裔美国人并没有就这个问题进行斗争，”金教授说，总的来说，亚裔因为自己不是黑人而获得了某些优势。

”That is not to discount the ugly history of violence, racism and exclusion that Asian-Americans have and continue to endure.

Studies have found that Asian-Americans are the least likely of any race to be promoted to management roles in the professional world.

They have the highest poverty rates in some communities.

And some Asian-Americans say their causes usually get little mainstream political support.

这并不是在抹杀亚裔美国人经历过并在继续经历的暴力、种族主义和排斥的丑恶历史。

研究发现，在所有种族中，亚裔是职场中最难被提升到管理职位的种族。

在一些社区里，亚裔的贫困率最高。

一些亚裔美国人表示，他们的诉求通常得不到主流的政治支持。

That might be changing with a budding movement led by some Chinese-American activists against affirmative action.

That movement took off in 2014, with a campaign that defeated a California bill that would have allowed affirmative action in the state’s public colleges and universities.

The activists generally immigrated to the United States over the past 20 years from mainland China.

They are mostly well-educated and often communicate through WeChat, a Chinese messaging app.

这种情况可能会被一些华裔美国活动人士领导的一场新兴运动所改变。

这个反对平权行动的运动在2014年兴起，当时的一场活动挫败了加州的一项允许公立学院和大学采取平权行动的法案。

这些活动人士大多是在过去20年里从中国大陆移民到美国的华人。

他们大多受过良好教育，经常通过中国的讯息应用微信进行交流。

On some affirmative action debates they are used as a wedge,” said Karthick Ramakrishnan, associate dean of the School of Public Policy at the University of California, Riverside.

But what you’re seeing more and more, Asian-American activists, specifically Chinese activists, are more than happy to play that role of wedge.

They use the language of discrimination and victimhood.

”在某些关于平权行动的争论中，他们被用来制造隔阂，”加州大学里弗赛德分校(University of California, Riverside)公共政策学院(School of Public Policy)的副院长卡尔蒂克·拉马克里希南(Karthick Ramakrishnan)说，但你看到，越来越多的亚裔美国活动人士，尤其是华裔活动人士，非常乐意扮演这种制造隔阂的角色。

他们会使用歧视和受害者的语言。

”Tony Xu, a 48-year-old Chinese immigrant, sees affirmative action as a form of racism, calling it a tool to discriminate against Asian-Americans.

”48岁的中国移民托尼·徐(Tony Xu)将平权行动视为一种种族主义，称它是歧视亚裔美国人的工具”。

Mr.

Xu, who lives in Fremont, Calif.

, came to the United States two decades ago as a software engineer and now owns a real estate company.

He said his daughter was a rising junior in high school and planned to apply to several elite universities including Stanford and Ivy League schools.

He became politically active during the fight over the California bill, he said, and belongs to the Silicon Valley Chinese Association, which opposes affirmative action.

托尼·徐住在加州弗里蒙特，20年前以软件工程师的身份移民到美国，现在拥有一家房地产公司。

他说他的女儿即将开始高中的最后一年，打算申请几所顶尖大学，包括斯坦福大学(Stanford)和常春藤盟校。

他表示，在抵制这项加州法案的斗争中，他成了政治活跃分子，他是反对平权行动的硅谷华裔协会(Silicon Valley Chinese Association)的一员。

Mr.

Xu said he did not see the benefit of racial diversity in schools.

In China and Japan, for instance, schools are basically monoracial, but those students turn out just fine, he said.

托尼·徐表示，他不觉得学校进行种族多元化有什么好处。

他表示，比如在中国和日本，学校基本上都是单一种族，但那里的学生最后都挺好。

I believe everyone, if you work hard, you spend time, you can achieve the same goal,” he said.

我相信每个人只要努力工作，投入时间，就能实现同样的目标，”他说。

Other first-generation Chinese immigrants see a more complex reality.

Steven Chen, who came to the United States three decades ago from Hangzhou, said he believed many fellow immigrants were misled by false information in online echo chambers.

Mr.

Chen, a 54-year-old network administrator who lives in Irvine, Calif.

, and supports affirmative action, said he hoped to help change that, though he didn’t fault others for their desire to protest.

其他第一代中国移民看到了更复杂的现实。

30年前从杭州移民到美国的史蒂文·陈(Steven Chen)表示，他觉得，许多移民同胞被网上回音室内的虚假信息误导了。

54岁的陈住在加州欧文市，是一名网络管理员，他支持平权行动。

他表示，他希望自己能帮助改变这种现状，但他并不责怪那些想要抗议的人。

If the message sounds like we are very selfish people, we don’t care about minorities, that will be bad,” he said.

But if the message given out is reasonable, trying to solve the real issues, then it is O.

K.

”他表示，如果他们给人的印象是我们非常自私，不关心少数族裔，那就太糟糕了”，但如果他们发出的信息是合理的，试图解决真正的问题，那就没问题”。

【平权运动下，亚裔美国人的挣扎与分裂查看网站：[db:时间]】